What Family of Languaes Does Mandarin Belond to

Major co-operative of Chinese spoken beyond near of northern and southwestern Communist china

This article is nearly the entire group of Mandarin Chinese language varieties. For Standard Mandarin, the official variety, see Standard Chinese. For the administrative linguistic communication of People's republic of china during the Ming and Qing dynasties, come across Standard mandarin (belatedly imperial lingua franca).

Mandarin
官話 / 官话 Guānhuà
Guānhuà (Mandarin) written in Chinese characters (simplified Chinese on the left, traditional Chinese on the right)
Region	nigh of Northern and Southwestern China (see also Standard Chinese)
Native speakers	920 million (2017)[1] L2 speakers: 200 million (no date)[1]
Language family	Sino-Tibetan Sinitic Standard mandarin
Early forms	Old Chinese Centre Chinese Old Standard mandarin
Standard forms	Mandarin (Putonghua, Guoyu)
Dialects	Northeastern Beijing Ji–Lu Jiao–Liao Lower Yangtze Central Plains Lan–Yin Southwestern Jin (sometimes a divide group) Huizhou (disputed) Dungan
Writing system	Chinese characters (Simplified, Traditional) Mainland Chinese Braille Taiwanese Braille Two-Prison cell Chinese Braille Transcriptions: Pinyin (Latin) Zhuyin Xiao'erjing (Arabic) Dungan (Cyrillic)
Signed forms	Wenfa Shouyu[2]
Official status
Official language in	Communist china Singapore Taiwan
Language codes
ISO 639-iii	cmn
Glottolog	mand1415
Linguasphere	79-AAA-b
Mandarin surface area in Prc as of 1987, including Sichuanese, Lower Yangtze and (in lite green) Jin, which are arguably divide languages
Countries where Mandarin is spoken every bit L1 or L2  Majority native language  Statutory or de facto national working language  More than ane,000,000 speakers  More than 500,000 speakers  More than 100,000 speakers
This commodity contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, meet Help:IPA.

Mandarin Chinese
Simplified Chinese	官话
Traditional Chinese	官話
Literal pregnant	Officials' speech communication
Transcriptions Standard Mandarin Hanyu Pinyin Guānhuà Wade–Giles Kuani-hua4 Yue: Cantonese Yale Romanization Gūnwá
Northern Chinese
Simplified Chinese	北方话
Traditional Chinese	北方話
Literal significant	Northern speech communication
Transcriptions Standard Mandarin Hanyu Pinyin Běifānghuà Wade–Giles Pei3-fang1-hua4 Yue: Cantonese Yale Romanization Bākfōngwá

Mandarin (; simplified Chinese: 官话; traditional Chinese: 官話; pinyin: Guānhuà ; lit. 'voice communication of officials') is a group of Sinitic (Chinese) languages natively spoken across well-nigh of northern and southwestern China. The group includes the Beijing dialect, the footing of the phonology of Standard Chinese. Because Mandarin originated in North Cathay and well-nigh Mandarin dialects are found in the north, the grouping is sometimes referred to as Northern Chinese (simplified Chinese: 北方话; traditional Chinese: 北方話; pinyin: Běifānghuà ; lit. 'northern spoken communication'). Many varieties of Mandarin, such as those of the Southwest (including Sichuanese) and the Lower Yangtze, are not mutually intelligible or are only partially intelligible with the standard language. Nevertheless, Mandarin is often placed first in lists of languages past number of native speakers (with nearly a billion).

Mandarin is past far the largest of the 7 or ten Chinese dialect groups, spoken by 70 percentage of all Chinese speakers over a big geographical area, stretching from Yunnan in the southwest to Xinjiang in the northwest and Heilongjiang in the northeast. This is mostly attributed to the greater ease of travel and advice in the North Communist china Plain compared to the more mountainous s, combined with the relatively contempo spread of Mandarin to frontier areas.

Most Mandarin varieties have 4 tones. The last stops of Centre Chinese have disappeared in most of these varieties, but some have merged them as a final glottal stop. Many Standard mandarin varieties, including the Beijing dialect, retain retroflex initial consonants, which accept been lost in southern varieties of Chinese.

The Chinese upper-case letter has been within the Mandarin-speaking area for virtually of the last millennium, making these dialects very influential. Some form of Standard mandarin has served equally a lingua franca for authorities officials and the courts since the 14th century.^[3] By the early on 20th century, a standard form based on the Beijing dialect, with elements from other Mandarin dialects, was adopted as the national language. Standard Mandarin Chinese is the official linguistic communication of the People's Republic of China^[four] and Taiwan,^[5] likewise equally 1 of the four official languages of Singapore. It is too used equally one of the official languages of the Un.^[6] Recent increased migration from Mandarin-speaking regions of Mainland china and Taiwan has now resulted in the language being one of the more frequently used varieties of Chinese among Chinese diaspora communities. Information technology is also the almost unremarkably taught Chinese diverseness.

Proper name [edit]

The English language word "standard mandarin" (from Portuguese mandarim, from Malay menteri, from Sanskrit mantrī, mantrin, significant 'government minister or counsellor') originally meant an official of the Ming and Qing empires.^{[7] [eight] [a]} Since their native varieties were often mutually unintelligible, these officials communicated using a Koiné language based on various northern varieties. When Jesuit missionaries learned this standard linguistic communication in the 16th century, they called it "Mandarin", from its Chinese proper name Guānhuà ( 官话/官話 ) or 'language of the officials'.^[10]

In everyday English, "Standard mandarin" refers to Standard Chinese, which is often called simply "Chinese". Standard Mandarin Chinese is based on Beijing dialect, with some lexical and syntactic influence from other Mandarin dialects. Information technology is the official spoken language of the People's Republic of China (Mainland china) and Taiwan (Republic of China, ROC), too as one of the four official languages of Singapore. Information technology also functions as the language of instruction in Mainland China and Taiwan. It is 1 of the six official languages of the United Nations, nether the proper noun "Chinese". Chinese speakers refer to the modern standard language as

• Pǔtōnghuà ( 普通话/普通話 , literally 'common speech') in Mainland Mainland china,
• Guóyǔ ( 国语/國語 , literally 'national language') in Taiwan or
• Huáyǔ ( 华语/華語 , literally 'Hua (Chinese) linguistic communication') in Malaysia and Singapore,

but not as Guānhuà.^[iii]

Linguists employ the term "Mandarin" to refer to the diverse group of dialects spoken in northern and southwestern Communist china, which Chinese linguists call Guānhuà. The culling term Běifānghuà ( 北方话/北方話 ) or "Northern dialects", is used less and less among Chinese linguists. By extension, the term "Old Mandarin" or "Early Mandarin" is used past linguists to refer to the northern dialects recorded in materials from the Yuan dynasty.

Native speakers who are not bookish linguists may not recognize that the variants they speak are classified in linguistics as members of "Mandarin" (or and so-called "Northern dialects") in a broader sense. Within Chinese social or cultural discourse, there is not a mutual "Mandarin" identity based on language; rather, there are potent regional identities centred on individual dialects because of the wide geographical distribution and cultural diversity of their speakers. Speakers of forms of Standard mandarin other than the standard typically refer to the variety they speak by a geographic name—for example the Sichuan dialect and the Hebei dialect or Northeastern dialect, all existence regarded as distinct from the standard language, with which they may non share much mutual intelligibility.

History [edit]

The hundreds of modern local varieties of Chinese developed from regional variants of Old Chinese and Middle Chinese. Traditionally, seven major groups of dialects take been recognized. Aside from Mandarin, the other vi are Wu, Gan, and Xiang in central China and Min, Hakka, and Yue on the southeast coast.^[xi] The Language Atlas of Communist china (1987) distinguishes three further groups: Jin (carve up from Mandarin), Huizhou in the Huizhou region of Anhui and Zhejiang, and Pinghua in Guangxi and Yunnan.^{[12] [13]}

One-time Standard mandarin [edit]

A page of the Menggu Ziyun, covering the syllables tsim to lim

Afterward the fall of the Northern Song (959–1126) and during the reign of the Jin (1115–1234) and Yuan (Mongol) dynasties in northern Communist china, a common form of speech developed based on the dialects of the N China Plain around the capital letter, a language referred to every bit Old Standard mandarin. New genres of colloquial literature were based on this language, including verse, drama and story forms, such as the qu and sanqu verse.^[14]

The rhyming conventions of the new verse were codified in a rime dictionary called the Zhongyuan Yinyun (1324). A radical departure from the rime table tradition that had evolved over the previous centuries, this lexicon contains a wealth of data on the phonology of Old Mandarin. Farther sources are the 'Phags-pa script based on the Tibetan alphabet, which was used to write several of the languages of the Mongol empire, including Chinese and the Menggu Ziyun, a rime dictionary based on 'Phags-pa. The rime books differ in some details, but overall show many of the features feature of mod Standard mandarin dialects, such as the reduction and disappearance of last plosives and the reorganization of the Center Chinese tones.^[fifteen]

In Middle Chinese, initial stops and affricates showed a 3-way contrast between tenuis, voiceless aspirated and voiced consonants. In that location were 4 tones, with the fourth or "inbound tone", a checked tone comprising syllables ending in plosives (-p, -t or -k). Syllables with voiced initials tended to exist pronounced with a lower pitch and by the late Tang dynasty, each of the tones had carve up into two registers conditioned past the initials. When voicing was lost in all languages except the Wu subfamily, this stardom became phonemic and the system of initials and tones was rearranged differently in each of the major groups.^[sixteen]

The Zhongyuan Yinyun shows the typical Mandarin four-tone system resulting from a split of the "fifty-fifty" tone and loss of the entering tone, with its syllables distributed across the other tones (though their unlike origin is marked in the lexicon). Similarly, voiced plosives and affricates have become voiceless aspirates in the "even" tone and voiceless non-aspirates in others, another distinctive Mandarin development. However, the language still retained a final -m, which has merged with -north in modern dialects and initial voiced fricatives. Information technology too retained the distinction between velars and alveolar sibilants in palatal environments, which later merged in most Mandarin dialects to yield a palatal series (rendered j-, q- and x- in pinyin).^[17]

The flourishing vernacular literature of the menses also shows distinctively Mandarin vocabulary and syntax, though some, such as the third-person pronoun tā (他), can exist traced dorsum to the Tang dynasty.^[18]

Colloquial literature [edit]

Until the early 20th century, formal writing and fifty-fifty much poetry and fiction was washed in Literary Chinese, which was modeled on the classics of the Warring States menstruum and the Han dynasty. Over time, the various spoken varieties diverged greatly from Literary Chinese, which was learned and equanimous as a special language. Preserved from the sound changes that affected the various spoken varieties, its economy of expression was greatly valued. For case, 翼 (yì, "wing") is unambiguous in written Chinese, only has over 75 homophones in Standard Chinese.

The literary language was less advisable for recording materials that were meant to be reproduced in oral presentations, materials such as plays and grist for the professional story-teller's factory. From at least the Yuan dynasty plays that recounted the destructive tales of Communist china's Robin Hoods to the Ming dynasty novels such every bit Water Margin, on down to the Qing dynasty novel Dream of the Red Chamber and beyond, at that place adult a literature in written colloquial Chinese (白話/白话, báihuà). In many cases, this written language reflected Standard mandarin varieties and since pronunciation differences were not conveyed in this written class, this tradition had a unifying force across all the Mandarin-speaking regions and beyond.^[19]

Hu Shih, a pivotal figure of the offset half of the twentieth century, wrote an influential and perceptive study of this literary tradition, entitled Báihuà Wénxuéshǐ ("A History of Vernacular Literature").

Koiné of the Late Empire [edit]

Zhongguo Guanhua (中國官話), or Medii Regni Communis Loquela ("Middle Kingdom'due south Mutual Spoken communication"), used on the frontispiece of an early Chinese grammer published by Étienne Fourmont (with Arcadio Huang) in 1742^[20]

The Chinese accept different languages in different provinces, to such an extent that they cannot understand each other.... [They] also have another linguistic communication which is similar a universal and common language; this is the official language of the mandarins and of the court; it is amidst them like Latin among ourselves.... Two of our fathers [Michele Ruggieri and Matteo Ricci] have been learning this mandarin language...
— Alessandro Valignano, Historia del principio y progresso de la Compañía de Jesús en las Indias Orientales, I:28 (1542–1564)^[21]

Until the mid-20th century, nigh Chinese people living in many parts of South Mainland china spoke just their local variety. As a applied measure, officials of the Ming and Qing dynasties carried out the administration of the empire using a common language based on Mandarin varieties, known as Guānhuà. Knowledge of this language was thus essential for an official career, merely it was never formally defined.^[iii]

Officials varied widely in their pronunciation; in 1728, the Yongzheng Emperor, unable to understand the accents of officials from Guangdong and Fujian, issued a prescript requiring the governors of those provinces to provide for the teaching of proper pronunciation. Although the resulting Academies for Correct Pronunciation (正音書院; Zhèngyīn Shūyuàn ) were brusque-lived, the prescript did spawn a number of textbooks that requite some insight into the platonic pronunciation. Common features included:

• loss of the Center Chinese voiced initials except for v-
• merger of -1000 finals with -north
• the characteristic Standard mandarin four-tone organisation in open syllables, but retaining a terminal glottal cease in "inbound tone" syllables
• retention of the distinction betwixt palatalized velars and dental affricates, the source of the spellings "Peking" and "Tientsin" for modernistic "Beijing" and "Tianjin".^[22]

As the last ii of these features indicate, this language was a koiné based on dialects spoken in the Nanjing area, though not identical to whatever single dialect.^[23] This class remained prestigious long afterwards the uppercase moved to Beijing in 1421, though the speech of the new capital emerged as a rival standard. Equally late as 1815, Robert Morrison based the first English–Chinese dictionary on this koiné as the standard of the time, though he conceded that the Beijing dialect was gaining in influence.^[24] By the middle of the 19th century, the Beijing dialect had go ascendant and was essential for any concern with the imperial court.^[25]

Standard Mandarin Chinese [edit]

The variant of Mandarin every bit spoken past educated classes in Beijing was made the official language of Red china by the Qing dynasty in the early 1900s and the successive Republican government. In the early years of the Republic of China, intellectuals of the New Culture Movement, such as Hu Shih and Chen Duxiu, successfully campaigned for the replacement of Literary Chinese as the written standard by written vernacular Chinese, which was based on northern dialects. A parallel priority was the definition of a standard national language (traditional Chinese: 國語; simplified Chinese: 国语; pinyin: Guóyǔ ; Wade–Giles: Kuo²-yü³ ). After much dispute between proponents of northern and southern dialects and an bootless attempt at an bogus pronunciation, the National Language Unification Commission finally settled on the Beijing dialect in 1932. The People's Republic, founded in 1949, retained this standard, calling information technology pǔtōnghuà (simplified Chinese: 普通话; traditional Chinese: 普通話; lit. 'common speech').^[26] Some 54% of speakers of Standard mandarin varieties could understand the standard linguistic communication in the early 1950s, rise to 91% in 1984. Nationally, the proportion understanding the standard rose from 41% to xc% over the same period.^[27]

This standard linguistic communication is now used in education, the media, and formal occasions in both Mainland People's republic of china and Taiwan, too as amongst the Chinese community of Singapore. Nevertheless in other parts of the Chinese-speaking world, namely Hong Kong and Macau, the standard form of Chinese used in education, the media, formal speech, and everyday life remains the local Cantonese considering of their colonial and linguistic history. While Mandarin is at present the medium of pedagogy in schools throughout Prc, information technology still has yet to gain traction as a common language amidst the local population in areas where Standard mandarin dialects are not native.^[28] In these regions, people may be either diglossic or speak the standard language with a notable accent. However since the 21st century, there has been an effort of mass didactics in Mandarin Chinese and discouragement of local language usage by the Chinese government in order to erase these regional differences.^[29]

From an official indicate of view, the mainland Chinese and the Taiwanese governments maintain their own forms of the standard under unlike names. Technically, both Pǔtōnghuà and Guóyǔ base their phonology on the Beijing accent, though Pǔtōnghuà also takes some elements from other sources. Comparison of dictionaries produced in the two areas will prove that there are few substantial differences. Nevertheless, both versions of "school-standard" Chinese are oft quite different from the Mandarin varieties that are spoken in accord with regional habits, and neither is wholly identical to the Beijing dialect. Pǔtōnghuà and Guóyǔ likewise have some differences from the Beijing dialect in vocabulary, grammar, and pragmatics.

The written forms of Standard Chinese are also essentially equivalent, although simplified characters are used in mainland China and Singapore, while traditional characters remain in use in Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macau. Overseas communities also tend to employ traditional Chinese characters, although younger generations in Malaysia increasingly employ simplified characters due to influence from Singapore and mainland Communist china.^[30]

Geographic distribution [edit]

Mainland Mainland china [edit]

Most Han Chinese living in northern and southwestern Cathay are native speakers of a dialect of Standard mandarin. The Due north Communist china Apparently provided few barriers to migration, leading to relative linguistic homogeneity over a broad surface area in northern China. In contrast, the mountains and rivers of southern China have spawned the other six major groups of Chinese varieties, with nifty internal diversity, particularly in Fujian.^{[31] [32]}

However, the varieties of Standard mandarin cover a huge area containing nearly a billion people. As a result, in that location are pronounced regional variations in pronunciation, vocabulary, and grammar,^[33] and many Mandarin varieties are not mutually intelligible.^[b]

Virtually of northeastern China, except for Liaoning, did non receive significant settlements past Han Chinese until the 18th century,^[39] and as a result the Northeastern Mandarin dialects spoken there differ piffling from the Beijing dialect.^[40] The Manchu people of the surface area now speak these dialects exclusively; their native language is just maintained in northwestern Xinjiang, where Xibe, a modernistic dialect, is spoken.^[41]

The frontier areas of Northwest China were colonized past speakers of Mandarin dialects at the same fourth dimension, and the dialects in those areas similarly closely resemble their relatives in the cadre Mandarin area.^[40] The Southwest was settled early, simply the population fell dramatically for obscure reasons in the 13th century, and did not recover until the 17th century.^[xl] The dialects in this area are now relatively uniform.^[42] Nevertheless, long-established cities even very close to Beijing, such as Tianjin, Baoding, Shenyang, and Dalian, take markedly different dialects.

While Standard Mandarin was adopted as Cathay'due south official language in the early 1900s, local languages continued to exist dominant in their respective regions until the establishment of the People's Commonwealth in 1949 and its promotion of this standard variant.^[43] Starting in the Cultural Revolution and intensifying afterwards, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has adopted a language policy that pushes for the usage of Standard Mandarin at the expense of other Chinese varieties, including the prohibition of their utilize in near public settings.^{[44] [ page needed ]} Equally a result, Mandarin is now widespread throughout the land, including in regions where the linguistic communication is not native.

This language policy has proven to be largely successful, with over 80% of the Chinese population being able to speak Standard Mandarin as of 2020.^[45] Nevertheless, despite active discouragement by the CCP, local Chinese and other ethnic languages keep to be the primary medium of advice in daily life in a handful of regions, most notably Guangdong (where Cantonese predominates) and Tibet.^{[46] [47]} Elsewhere in People's republic of china, Standard Mandarin has heavily influenced local languages through diglossia or in some cases, replaced them entirely (especially among younger generations in urban areas).^[48] The Chinese government's electric current goal is to accept 85% of China speak Standard Mandarin past 2025 and for virtually the entire country to speak the language past 2035.^[49]

Dissimilar their compatriots on the southeast coast, few Standard mandarin speakers engaged in overseas emigration until the late 20th century, but there are now significant communities of them in cities across the world.^[42]

Taiwan [edit]

Standard Standard mandarin is the official language of Taiwan. The Taiwanese standard of Mandarin differs very piddling from that of mainland Red china, with differences largely in some technical vocabulary adult from the 1950s onwards.^[50]

Mandarin started to become widely spoken in Taiwan following the Kuomintang's relocation and influx of refugees from the mainland at the end of the Chinese Civil War in 1949. At the time Taiwanese Hokkien, and to a lesser extent Hakka, were the Chinese languages used among the local Han Chinese population, while the Formosan languages were natively spoken by many Ancient populations. These languages were heavily discouraged from apply throughout the martial law menstruum from 1949 to 1987, resulting in Standard mandarin replacing Taiwanese equally the lingua franca.^[51] Starting in the 2000s, the Taiwanese government has made efforts to recognize these local languages and they are now nowadays in public spheres such equally media and educational activity, although Mandarin remains the common language.^[52]

While the spoken standard of Taiwanese Mandarin is most identical to that of mainland China, the colloquial class has been heavily influenced by other local languages, specially Taiwanese. Notable differences include: the merger of retroflex sounds (zh, ch, sh, r) with the alveolar series (z, c, due south), frequent mergers of the "neutral tone" with a give-and-take's original tone, and absence of erhua.^[53] Code-switching betwixt Mandarin and Taiwanese Hokkien is common, as the majority of the population continues to also speak the latter as a native language.^[54]

Southeast Asia [edit]

Singapore [edit]

Standard mandarin is one of the four official languages of Singapore along with English, Malay, and Tamil. Historically, it was seldom used by the Chinese Singaporean community, which primarily spoke the Southern Chinese languages of Hokkien, Teochew, Cantonese, or Hakka.^[55] The launch of the Speak Mandarin Campaign in 1979 by the government prioritized the language over traditional vernaculars in an attempt to create a common indigenous linguistic communication and foster closer connections to Red china.^[56] This has led to a significant increment and presence of Standard mandarin usage in the country, coupled with a potent decline in usage of other Chinese variants.

Standard Singaporean Mandarin is well-nigh identical to the standards of People's republic of china and Taiwan, with pocket-size vocabulary differences. It is the Mandarin variant used in education, media, and official settings. Meanwhile, a colloquial grade called Singdarin is used in breezy daily life and is heavily influenced in terms of both grammar and vocabulary by local languages such equally Cantonese, Hokkien, and Malay. Instances of code-switching with English, Hokkien, Cantonese, Malay, or a combination of whatsoever of these is as well common.

Malaysia [edit]

In Malaysia, Mandarin has been adopted by local Chinese-linguistic communication schools equally the medium of instruction with the standard based on that of Singapore. Yet, it is non equally widespread in daily life among the Malaysian Chinese community, equally Hokkien speakers go along to course a plurality among the ethnic Chinese population and Cantonese serves equally the common linguistic communication (especially in commerce and local media).^[57] An exception is in the land of Johor, where Mandarin is increasingly used alongside Cantonese as a lingua franca in role due to Singaporean influence.^[58] As in Singapore, the local vernacular variant of Mandarin exhibits influences from Cantonese and Malay.

Myanmar [edit]

In northern Myanmar, a Southwestern Standard mandarin variant shut to the Yunnanese dialect is spoken by local Chinese and other ethnic groups. In some rebel grouping-controlled regions, Mandarin also serves as the lingua franca.^[59]

Subgroups [edit]

The classification of Chinese dialects evolved during the 20th century, and many points remain unsettled. Early classifications tended to follow provincial boundaries or major geographical features.^[61]

In 1936, Wang Li produced the showtime classification based on phonetic criteria, principally the evolution of Middle Chinese voiced initials. His Standard mandarin group included dialects of northern and southwestern China, as well as those of Hunan and northern Jiangxi.^[62] Li Fang-Kuei's classification of 1937 distinguished the latter two groups equally Xiang and Gan, while splitting the remaining Standard mandarin dialects between Northern, Lower Yangtze and Southwestern Mandarin groups.^[63]

The widely accepted seven-grouping classification of Yuan Jiahua in 1960 kept Xiang and Gan separate, with Standard mandarin divided into Northern, Northwestern, Southwestern and Jiang–Huai (Lower Yangtze) subgroups.^{[64] [65]} Of Yuan'southward iv Standard mandarin subgroups, the Northwestern dialects are the virtually diverse, particularly in the province of Shanxi.^[42] The linguist Li Rong proposed that the northwestern dialects of Shanxi and neighbouring areas that retain a final glottal end in the Middle Chinese entering tone (plosive-final) category should constitute a dissever height-level group called Jin.^[66] He used this nomenclature in the Linguistic communication Atlas of People's republic of china (1987).^[12] Many other linguists keep to include these dialects in the Mandarin grouping, pointing out that the Lower Yangtze dialects likewise retain the glottal finish.^{[67] [68]}

The southern boundary of the Mandarin area, with the central Wu, Gan and Xiang groups, is weakly defined due to centuries of diffusion of northern features. Many border varieties have a mixture of features that brand them difficult to classify. The purlieus between Southwestern Standard mandarin and Xiang is particularly weak,^[69] and in many early on classifications the 2 were not separated.^[lxx] Zhou Zhenhe and Y'all Rujie include the New Xiang dialects within Southwestern Mandarin, treating merely the more than bourgeois Old Xiang dialects as a carve up group.^[71] The Huizhou dialects have features of both Mandarin and Wu, and accept been assigned to 1 or other of these groups or treated equally carve up by various authors. Li Rong and the Language Atlas of Mainland china treated it every bit a split up superlative-level grouping, but this remains controversial.^{[72] [73]}

The Language Atlas of China calls the residuum of Standard mandarin a "supergroup", divided into eight dialect groups distinguished by their treatment of the Middle Chinese entering tone (see Tones beneath):^{[74] [c]}

• Northeastern Mandarin (98 million), spoken in Manchuria except the Liaodong Peninsula.^[76] This dialect is closely related to Standard Chinese, with little variation in lexicon and very few tonal differences.
• Beijing Mandarin (27 million), spoken in Beijing and environment such as Chengde and northern Hebei, as well equally some areas of recent large-calibration immigration, such as northern Xinjiang.^[77] The Beijing dialect forms the footing of Standard Chinese. This classification is controversial, as a number of researchers view Beijing and Northeastern Mandarin as a unmarried dialect group.^[78]
• Jilu Mandarin (89 1000000), spoken in Hebei ("Ji") and Shandong ("Lu") provinces except the Shandong Peninsula, every bit well as in few counties of Heilongjiang, due to migration. Includes Tianjin dialect.^[79] Tones and vocabulary are markedly different. In full general, at that place is substantial intelligibility with Beijing Standard mandarin.
• Jiaoliao Mandarin (35 meg), spoken in Shandong (Jiaodong) and Liaodong Peninsulas, as well as in few counties of Heilongjiang, due to migration.^[80] Very noticeable tonal changes, different in "season" from Ji–Lu Mandarin, but with more variance. There is moderate intelligibility with Beijing.
• Central Plains Mandarin (186 million), spoken in Henan province, the primal parts of Shaanxi in the Yellowish River valley, eastern Gansu, as well as southern Xinjiang, due to recent migration.^[81] There are significant phonological differences, with partial intelligibility with Beijing. The Dungan language spoken in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan belongs to this group. Dungan speakers such every bit the poet Iasyr Shivaza have reported being understood by speakers of the Beijing dialect, just not vice versa.^[82]
• Lanyin Mandarin (17 million), spoken in key and western Gansu province (with capital Lanzhou) and Ningxia autonomous region (with capital letter Yinchuan), likewise equally northern Xinjiang.^[83]
• Lower Yangtze Standard mandarin (or Jiang–Huai, 86 meg), spoken in the parts of Jiangsu and Anhui on the north bank of the Yangtze, also as some areas on the southward bank, such equally Nanjing in Jiangsu, Jiujiang in Jiangxi, etc.^[84] There are pregnant phonological and lexical changes to varying degrees, and intelligibility with Beijing is express. Lower Yangtze Mandarin has been significantly influenced by Wu Chinese.
• Southwestern Standard mandarin (260 1000000), spoken in the provinces of Hubei, Sichuan, Guizhou, Yunnan, and the Mandarin-speaking areas of Hunan, Guangxi and southern Shaanxi.^[85] There are sharp phonological, lexical, and tonal changes, and intelligibility with Beijing is express to varying degrees.^{[36] [37]}

The Atlas likewise includes several unclassified Mandarin dialects spoken in scattered pockets across southeastern China, such as Nanping in Fujian and Dongfang on Hainan.^[86] Another Standard mandarin diversity of uncertain nomenclature is apparently Gyami, recorded in the 19th century in the Tibetan foothills, who the Chinese manifestly did not recognize as Chinese.^[87]

Phonology [edit]

A syllable consists maximally of an initial consonant, a medial glide, a vowel, a coda, and tone. In the traditional analysis, the medial, vowel and coda are combined every bit a concluding.^[88] Not all combinations occur. For example, Standard Chinese (based on the Beijing dialect) has nigh 1,200 singled-out syllables.^[89]

Phonological features that are generally shared by the Mandarin dialects include:

• the palatalization of velar consonants and alveolar sibilants when they occur before palatal glides;
• one syllable contains maximum four phonemes (maximum three vowels and no consonant cluster)
• the disappearance of concluding stop consonants and /-1000/ (although in many Lower Yangtze Standard mandarin and Jin Chinese dialects, an echo of the final stops is preserved every bit a glottal cease);
• the presence of retroflex consonants (although these are absent in many Southwestern and Northeastern Mandarin dialects);
• the historical devoicing of stops and sibilants (likewise common to most non-Mandarin varieties).

Initials [edit]

The maximal inventory of initials of a Standard mandarin dialect is as follows, with bracketed pinyin spellings given for those nowadays in the standard linguistic communication:^[90]

	Labial	Apical	Retroflex	Palatal	Velar
Stops	/p/ ⟨b⟩	/t/ ⟨d⟩			/k/ ⟨g⟩
	/pʰ/ ⟨p⟩	/tʰ/ ⟨t⟩			/kʰ/ ⟨thousand⟩
Nasals	/m/ ⟨yard⟩	/n/ ⟨n⟩			/ŋ/
Affricates		/t͡s/ ⟨z⟩	/ʈ͡ʂ/ ⟨zh⟩	/t͡ɕ/ ⟨j⟩
		/t͡sʰ/ ⟨c⟩	/ʈ͡ʂʰ/ ⟨ch⟩	/t͡ɕʰ/ ⟨q⟩
Fricatives	/f/ ⟨f⟩	/due south/ ⟨s⟩	/ʂ/ ⟨sh⟩	/ɕ/ ⟨x⟩	/x/ ⟨h⟩
Sonorants	/west/ ⟨w⟩	/fifty/ ⟨l⟩	/ɻ ~ ʐ/ ⟨r⟩	/j/ ⟨y⟩

• Most Mandarin-speaking areas distinguish between the retroflex initials /ʈʂ ʈʂʰ ʂ/ from the upmost sibilants /ts tsʰ due south/, though they often have a different distribution than in the standard language. In most dialects of the southeast and southwest the retroflex initials accept merged with the alveolar sibilants, and so that zhi becomes zi, chi becomes ci, and shi becomes si.^[91]
• The alveolo-palatal sibilants /tɕ tɕʰ ɕ/ are the result of merger between the historical palatalized velars /kj kʰj xj/ and palatalized alveolar sibilants /tsj tsʰj sj/.^[91] In about twenty% of dialects, the alveolar sibilants did not palatalize, remaining split up from the alveolo-palatal initials. (The unique pronunciation used in Peking opera falls into this category.) On the other side, in some dialects of eastern Shandong, the velar initials did not undergo palatalization.
• Many southwestern Mandarin dialects mix /f/ and /xw/, substituting 1 for the other in some or all cases.^[92] For example, fei /fei/ "to wing" and hui /xwei/ "grayness" may exist merged in these areas.
• In some dialects, initial /l/ and /due north/ are not distinguished. In Southwestern Mandarin, these sounds unremarkably merge to /n/; in Lower Yangtze Mandarin, they commonly merge to /l/.^[92]
• People in many Mandarin-speaking areas may employ unlike initial sounds where Beijing uses initial r- /ɻ/. Mutual variants include /j/, /l/, /due north/ and /w/.^[91]
• Some dialects have initial /ŋ/ respective to the zero initial of the standard linguistic communication.^[91] This initial is the outcome of a merger of the Center Chinese zero initial with /ŋ/ and /ʔ/.
• Many dialects of Northwestern and Central Plains Standard mandarin have /pf pfʰ f 5/ where Beijing has /tʂw tʂʰw ʂw ɻw/.^[91] Examples include /pfu/ "sus scrofa" for standard zhū 豬 /tʂu/, /fei/ "h2o" for standard shuǐ 水 /ʂwei/, /vã/ "soft" for standard ruǎn 軟 /ɻwan/.

Finals [edit]

Most Standard mandarin dialects have iii medial glides, /j/, /west/ and /ɥ/ (spelled i, u and ü in pinyin), though their incidence varies. The medial /westward/, is lost after upmost initials in several areas.^[91] Thus Southwestern Mandarin has /tei/ "correct" where the standard language has dui /twei/. Southwestern Mandarin also has /kai kʰai xai/ in some words where the standard has jie qie xie /tɕjɛ tɕʰjɛ ɕjɛ/. This is a stereotypical characteristic of southwestern Mandarin, since information technology is so easily noticeable. E.g. hai "shoe" for standard xie, gai "street" for standard jie.

Mandarin dialects typically have relatively few vowels. Syllabic fricatives, every bit in standard zi and zhi, are mutual in Mandarin dialects, though they as well occur elsewhere.^[93] The Center Chinese off-glides /j/ and /w/ are generally preserved in Mandarin dialects, yielding several diphthongs and triphthongs in contrast to the larger sets of monophthongs mutual in other dialect groups (and some widely scattered Mandarin dialects).^[93]

The Middle Chinese coda /grand/ was still present in Old Mandarin, but has merged with /northward/ in the modernistic dialects.^[91] In some areas (especially the southwest) final /ŋ/ has also merged with /due north/. This is especially prevalent in the rhyme pairs -en/-eng /ən əŋ/ and -in/-ing /in iŋ/. Equally a consequence, jīn "gilded" and jīng "capital" merge in those dialects.

The Centre Chinese final stops accept undergone a diversity of developments in different Mandarin dialects (encounter Tones below). In Lower Yangtze dialects and some north-western dialects they have merged as a concluding glottal stop. In other dialects they take been lost, with varying effects on the vowel.^[91] Equally a result, Beijing Mandarin and Northeastern Mandarin underwent more vowel mergers than many other varieties of Mandarin. For example:

Grapheme	Meaning	Standard (Beijing)		Beijing, Harbin Vernacular	Jinan (Ji–Lu)	Xi'an (Central Plains)	Chengdu (Southwestern)	Yangzhou (Lower Yangtze)	Center Chinese Reconstructed
		Pinyin	IPA
课	lesson	kè	kʰɤ	kʰɤ	kʰə	kʰwo	kʰo	kʰo	kʰɑ
客	guest			tɕʰie [d]	kʰei	kʰei	kʰe	kʰəʔ	kʰɰak
果	fruit	guǒ	kwo	kwo	kwə	kwo	ko	ko	kwɑ
国	country	guó				kwe	kwe	kɔʔ	kwək

R-coloring, a characteristic feature of Mandarin, works quite differently in the southwest. Whereas Beijing dialect generally removes but a last /j/ or /n/ when adding the rhotic last -r /ɻ/, in the southwest the -r replaces nearly the entire rhyme.

Tones [edit]

The four main tones of Standard Standard mandarin, pronounced with the syllable ma.

In general, no two Mandarin-speaking areas have exactly the same set of tone values, just most Mandarin-speaking areas have very like tone distribution. For example, the dialects of Jinan, Chengdu, Xi'an and so on all have four tones that correspond quite well to the Beijing dialect tones of [˥] (55), [˧˥] (35), [˨˩˦] (214), and [˥˩] (51). The exception to this rule lies in the distribution of syllables formerly ending in a stop consonant, which are treated differently in different dialects of Standard mandarin.^[94]

Middle Chinese stops and affricates had a three-mode distinction between tenuis, voiceless aspirate and voiced (or breathy voiced) consonants. In Mandarin dialects the voicing is generally lost, yielding voiceless aspirates in syllables with a Middle Chinese level tone and non-aspirates in other syllables.^[42] Of the iv tones of Center Chinese, the level, rising and departing tones take as well developed into four modern tones in a uniform way beyond Mandarin dialects; the Middle Chinese level tone has carve up into two registers, conditioned on voicing of the Centre Chinese initial, while rising tone syllables with voiced obstruent initials have shifted to the departing tone.^[95] The following examples from the standard language illustrate the regular evolution mutual to Mandarin dialects (recall that pinyin d denotes a non-aspirate /t/, while t denotes an aspirate /tʰ/):

Reflexes of Eye Chinese initials and tones in modern Standard mandarin

Middle Chinese tone	"level tone" (píng 平)				"rising tone" (shǎng 上)				"departing tone" (qù 去)
Case	丹	灘	蘭	彈	亶	坦	懶	但	旦	炭	爛	彈
Centre Chinese	tan	tʰan	lan	dan	tan	tʰan	lan	dan	tan	tʰan	lan	dan
Standard Chinese	dān	tān	lán	tán	dǎn	tǎn	lǎn	dàn		tàn	làn	dàn
Modern Standard mandarin tone	1 (yīn píng)		ii (yáng píng)		three (shǎng)			4 (qù)

In traditional Chinese phonology, syllables that ended in a stop in Centre Chinese (i.east. /p/, /t/ or /k/) were considered to belong to a special category known as the "entering tone". These final stops have disappeared in most Mandarin dialects, with the syllables distributed over the other four modern tones in different means in the various Mandarin subgroups.

In the Beijing dialect that underlies the standard language, syllables get-go with original voiceless consonants were redistributed beyond the four tones in a completely random pattern.^[96] For example, the three characters 积脊迹, all tsjek in Middle Chinese (William H. Baxter's transcription), are now pronounced jī, jǐ and jì respectively. Older dictionaries such as Mathews' Chinese-English Dictionary mark characters whose pronunciation formerly ended with a stop with a superscript 5; however, this tone number is more than commonly used for syllables that e'er have a neutral tone (see below).

In Lower Yangtze dialects, a minority of Southwestern dialects (eastward.g. Minjiang) and Jin Chinese (sometimes considered not-Mandarin), former concluding stops were not deleted entirely, but were reduced to a glottal terminate /ʔ/.^[96] (This includes the dialect of Nanjing on which the Postal Romanization was based; information technology transcribes the glottal stop equally a abaft h.) This development is shared with Wu Chinese and is thought to correspond the pronunciation of Former Mandarin. In line with traditional Chinese phonology, dialects such as Lower Yangtze and Minjiang are thus said to have 5 tones instead of four. However, mod linguistics considers these syllables as having no phonemic tone at all.

Reflexes of the Middle Chinese entering tone in Mandarin dialects^[97]

subgroup	Middle Chinese initial
	voiceless	voiced sonorant	voiced obstruent
Beijing	1,3,iv	4	2
Northeastern
Jiao–Liao	3
Ji–Lu	1
Central Plains	i
Lan–Yin	four
Southwestern	ii
Lower Yangtze	marked with last glottal stop (rù)

Although the system of tones is common across Mandarin dialects, their realization as tone contours varies widely:^[98]

Phonetic realization of Mandarin tones in principal dialects

Tone name		i (yīn píng)	two (yáng píng)	3 (shǎng)	4 (qù)	marked with glottal stop (rù)
Beijing	Beijing	˥ (55)	˧˥ (35)	˨˩˦ (214)	˥˩ (51)
Northeastern	Harbin	˦ (44)	˨˦ (24)	˨˩˧ (213)	˥˨ (52)
Jiao–Liao	Yantai	˧˩ (31)	(˥ (55))	˨˩˦ (214)	˥ (55)
Ji–Lu	Tianjin	˨˩ (21)	˧˥ (35)	˩˩˧ (113)	˥˧ (53)
	Shijiazhuang	˨˧ (23)	˥˧ (53)	˥ (55)	˧˩ (31)
Cardinal Plains	Zhengzhou	˨˦ (24)	˦˨ (42)	˥˧ (53)	˧˩˨ (312)
	Luoyang	˧˦ (34)	˦˨ (42)	˥˦ (54)	˧˩ (31)
	11'an	˨˩ (21)	˨˦ (24)	˥˧ (53)	˦ (44)
	Tianshui	˩˧ (xiii)		˥˧ (53)	˨˦ (24)
Lan–Yin	Lanzhou	˧˩ (31)	˥˧ (53)	˧ (33)	˨˦ (24)
	Yinchuan	˦ (44)	˥˧ (53)		˩˧ (13)
Southwestern	Chengdu	˦ (44)	˨˩ (21)	˥˧ (53)	˨˩˧ (213)
	Xichang	˧ (33)	˥˨ (52)	˦˥ (45)	˨˩˧ (213)	˧˩ʔ (31)
	Kunming	˦ (44)	˧˩ (31)	˥˧ (53)	˨˩˨ (212)
	Wuhan	˥ (55)	˨˩˧ (213)	˦˨ (42)	˧˥ (35)
	Liuzhou	˦ (44)	˧˩ (31)	˥˧ (53)	˨˦ (24)
Lower Yangtze	Yangzhou	˧˩ (31)	˧˥ (35)	˦˨ (42)	˥ (55)	˥ʔ (five)
	Nantong	˨˩ (21)	˧˥ (35)	˥ (55)	˦˨ (42), ˨˩˧ (213)*	˦ʔ (four), ˥ʔ (5)*

* Dialects in and around the Nantong expanse typically have many more than 4 tones, due to influence from the neighbouring Wu dialects.

Mandarin dialects oft use neutral tones in the 2nd syllables of words, creating syllables whose tone contour is so short and light that it is difficult or impossible to discriminate. These atonal syllables also occur in non-Mandarin dialects, but in many southern dialects the tones of all syllables are made articulate.^[96]

Vocabulary [edit]

There are more polysyllabic words in Mandarin than in all other major varieties of Chinese except Shanghainese^{[ commendation needed ]}. This is partly considering Mandarin has undergone many more audio changes than have southern varieties of Chinese, and has needed to deal with many more homophones. New words have been formed past adding affixes such equally lao- ( 老 ), -zi ( 子 ), -(eastward)r ( 儿 / 兒 ), and -tou ( 头 / 頭 ), or by compounding, e.g. past combining two words of like meaning every bit in cōngmáng ( 匆忙 ), made from elements meaning "hurried" and "busy". A distinctive feature of southwestern Standard mandarin is its frequent use of substantive reduplication, which is hardly used in Beijing. In Sichuan, one hears bāobāo ( 包包 ) "pocketbook" where Beijing uses bāo'r ( 包儿 ). There are also a small-scale number of words that have been polysyllabic since Sometime Chinese, such equally húdié (蝴蝶) "butterfly".

The singular pronouns in Standard mandarin are wǒ (我) "I", nǐ (你 or 妳) "you", nín (您) "you (formal)", and tā (他, 她 or 它/牠) "he/she/it", with - men (们/ 們 ) added for the plural. Further, in that location is a distinction between the plural outset-person pronoun zánmen (咱们/ 咱們 ), which is inclusive of the listener, and wǒmen (我们/ 我們 ), which may be exclusive of the listener. Dialects of Mandarin concur with each other quite consistently on these pronouns. While the first and second person singular pronouns are cognate with forms in other varieties of Chinese, the rest of the pronominal system is a Mandarin innovation (due east.one thousand., Shanghainese has non 侬/ 儂 "you" and yi 伊 "he/she").^[99]

Considering of contact with Mongolian and Manchurian peoples, Mandarin (especially the Northeastern varieties) has some loanwords from these languages non nowadays in other varieties of Chinese, such as hútòng ( 胡同 ) "aisle". Southern Chinese varieties have borrowed from Tai,^[100] Austroasiatic,^[101] and Austronesian languages.

There are also many Chinese words which come from foreign languages such as gāo'ěrfū ( 高尔夫 ) from golf game; bǐjīní ( 比基尼 ) from bikini; hànbǎo bāo ( 汉堡包 ) from hamburger.

In general, the greatest variation occurs in slang, in kinship terms, in names for common crops and domesticated animals, for mutual verbs and adjectives, and other such everyday terms. The least variation occurs in "formal" vocabulary—terms dealing with science, law, or regime.

Grammar [edit]

Chinese varieties of all periods are considered prime examples of analytic languages, relying on give-and-take guild and particles instead of inflection or affixes to provide grammatical information such as person, number, tense, mood, or case. Although mod varieties, including the Mandarin dialects, use a small number of particles in a similar fashion to suffixes, they are still strongly analytic.^[102]

The bones word lodge of subject–verb–object is common across Chinese dialects, merely there are variations in the society of the two objects of ditransitive sentences. In northern dialects the indirect object precedes the straight object (equally in English), for example in the Standard Chinese sentence:

我 给 你 一本 书

wǒ gěi nǐ yìběn shū

I requite yous {i-CLF} book

In southern dialects, too as many southwestern and Lower Yangtze dialects, the objects occur in the reverse order.^{[103] [104]}

Virtually varieties of Chinese use postal service-exact particles to indicate attribute, but the particles used vary. Most Standard mandarin dialects use the particle -le (了) to indicate the perfective aspect and -zhe (着/著) for the progressive aspect. Other Chinese varieties tend to utilise unlike particles, e.g. Cantonese zo^two 咗 and gan² 紧/緊 respectively. The experiential attribute particle -guo (过/過) is used more widely, except in Southern Min.^[105]

The subordinative particle de (的) is characteristic of Mandarin dialects.^[106] Some southern dialects, and a few Lower Yangtze dialects, preserve an older pattern of subordination without a marking particle, while in others a classifier fulfils the function of the Standard mandarin particle.^[107]

Specially in conversational Chinese, judgement-final particles alter the inherent meaning of a judgement. Similar much vocabulary, particles can vary a great deal with regards to the locale. For example, the particle ma (嘛), which is used in nearly northern dialects to announce obviousness or contention, is replaced by yo (哟) in southern usage.

Some characters in Mandarin can be combined with others to bespeak a particular pregnant just like prefix and suffix in English. For instance, the suffix -er which means the person who is doing the action, e.g. teacher, person who teaches. In Mandarin the grapheme 師 has the aforementioned function, it is combined with 教, which means teach, to grade the word teacher.

List of several common Chinese prefixes and suffixes:

Braze	Pronunciation	Meaning	Example	Meaning of Case
-們[们]	men	plural for human nouns, same as -s, -es	學生們 [学生们]、朋友們 [朋友们]	students, friends
可-	kě	same every bit -able	可信、可笑、可靠	trusty, laughable, reliable
重-	chóng	same as re-(once more)	重做、重建、重新	redo, rebuild, renew
第-	dì	aforementioned every bit -th, -st, -nd	第二、第一	2d, first
老-	lǎo	old, or show respect to a certain type of person	老頭[老头]、老闆[老板]、老師[老师]	sometime man; boss, teacher
-化	huà	same every bit -ize, -en	公式化、制度化、強化	officialize, systemize, strengthen
-家	jiā	same every bit -er or skilful	作家、科學家[科学家]、藝術家[艺术家]	writer, scientist, creative person
-性	xìng	same as -ness,_ -ability	可靠性、實用性[实用性]、可理解性	reliability, usability, understandability
-鬼	guǐ	normally used in a disparaging way similar to –aholic	煙鬼、酒鬼、胆小鬼	smoker, alcoholic, coward
-匠	jiàng	a technician in a certain field	花匠、油漆匠、木匠	gardener, painter, carpenter
-迷	mí	an enthusiast	戲迷[戏迷]、球迷、歌迷	theater fan, sports fan, groupie of a musician
-師 [师]	shī	suffix for occupations	教師[教师]、厨師[厨师]、律師[律师]	instructor, cook/chef, lawyer

Run across also [edit]

• Chinese lexicon
• Transcription into Chinese characters
• Written Chinese
• Languages of Prc
• Listing of varieties of Chinese
• Linguistic Atlas of Chinese Dialects
• List of languages by number of native speakers

Notes [edit]

1. ^ A folk etymology deriving the name from Mǎn dà rén (满大人; 滿大人; 'Manchu big human') is without foundation.^[9]
2. ^ For example:
   • In the early 1950s, simply 54% of people in the Mandarin-speaking area could sympathise Standard Chinese, which was based on the Beijing dialect.^[34]
   • "Hence we see that even Mandarin includes within it an unspecified number of languages, very few of which have always been reduced to writing, that are mutually unintelligible."^[35]
   • "the mutual term assigned by linguists to this group of languages implies a certain homogeneity which is more than likely to be related to the sociopolitical context than to linguistic reality, since most of those varieties are not mutually intelligible."^[36]
   • "A speaker of merely standard Mandarin might have a week or two to comprehend fifty-fifty unproblematic Kunminghua with ease—and so only if willing to acquire it."^[37]
   • "without prior exposure, speakers of dissimilar Mandarin dialects often have considerable difficulty understanding each other'southward local vernacular even if they come from the same province, provided that 2 or more distinct groups of Mandarin are spoken therein. In some cases, mutual intelligibility is not guaranteed fifty-fifty if the Mandarin dialects concerned belong to the aforementioned group and are spoken within the same province. Equally reported past a native speaker of the Zhenjiang dialect (a Jianghuai (Lower Yangtze) Mandarin dialect spoken in the Jiangsu province), it is incommunicable for her to understand the Nantong dialect (another Jianghuai Mandarin dialect spoken around 140 kilometers away in the aforementioned province)."^[38]
3. ^ Speaker numbers are rounded to the nearest million from figures in the revised edition of the Language Atlas of China.
4. ^ The development is purely due to the preservation of an early on glide which afterward became /j/ and triggered patalization, and does not point the absenteeism of a vowel merger.

References [edit]

Citations [edit]

1. ^ ^{a b} Mandarin at Ethnologue (22nd ed., 2019)
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10. ^ Coblin (2000), p. 537.
11. ^ Norman (1988), p. 181.
12. ^ ^{a b} Wurm et al. (1987).
13. ^ Kurpaska (2010), pp. 55–56.
14. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 48–49.
15. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 49–51.
16. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 34–36, 52–54.
17. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 49–fifty.
18. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 111–132.
19. ^ Ramsey (1987), p. 10.
20. ^ Fourmont, Etienne (1742). Linguae Sinarum Mandarinicae hieroglyphicae grammatica duplex, latinè, & cum characteribus Sinensium.
21. ^ Coblin (2000), p. 539.
22. ^ Kaske (2008), pp. 48–52.
23. ^ Coblin (2003), p. 353.
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25. ^ Coblin (2000), pp. 540–541.
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28. ^ Zhang & Yang (2004).
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32. ^ Ramsey (1987), p. 22.
33. ^ Szeto, Ansaldo & Matthews (2018).
34. ^ Chen (1999), p. 27.
35. ^ Mair (1991), p. xviii.
36. ^ ^{a b} Escure (1997), p. 144.
37. ^ ^{a b} Blum (2001), p. 27.
38. ^ Szeto, Ansaldo & Matthews (2018), pp. 241–242.
39. ^ Richards (2003), pp. 138–139.
40. ^ ^{a b c} Ramsey (1987), p. 21.
41. ^ Ramsey (1987), pp. 215–216.
42. ^ ^{a b c d} Norman (1988), p. 191.
43. ^ Coblin (2000), pp. 549–550.
44. ^ Spolsky, Bernard (Dec 2014). "Language management in the People's Republic of China" (PDF). Linguistic Society of America. 90: 165.
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46. ^ Muysken, Pieter (2008). From Linguistic Areas to Areal Linguistics . John Benjamins Publishing. pp. 226, 227.
47. ^ Elliot Sperling, "Exile and Dissent: The Historical and Cultural Context", in TIBET SINCE 1950: SILENCE, PRISON, OR EXILE 31–36 (Melissa Harris & Sydney Jones eds., 2000).
48. ^ Zuo, Xinyi (2020-12-16). "Furnishings of Means of Communication on the Preservation of Shanghai Dialect". Proceedings of the 2020 3rd International Conference on Humanities Teaching and Social Sciences (ICHESS 2020). Atlantis Printing. pp. 56–59. doi:ten.2991/assehr.k.201214.465. ISBN978-94-6239-301-i. S2CID 234515573.
49. ^ "China says 85% of citizens volition use Mandarin past 2025". ABC News . Retrieved 2021-12-22 .
50. ^ Yao, Qian (September 2014). "Analysis of Computer Terminology Translation Differences between Taiwan and Red china". Avant-garde Materials Research. 1030–1032: 1650–1652. doi:x.4028/www.scientific.net/AMR.1030-1032.1650. S2CID 136508776.
51. ^ Scott & Tiun 2007, p. 57. sfn fault: no target: CITEREFScottTiun2007 (help)
52. ^ Hubbs, Elizabeth. "Taiwan linguistic communication-in-education policy: social, cultural and applied implications". Arizona Working Papers in SLA & Teaching. 20: 76–95.
53. ^ Chen (1999), p. 47.
54. ^ Chiu, Miao-mentum (April 2012). "Code-switching and Identity Constructions in Taiwan TV Commercials" (PDF). Monumenta Taiwanica. v . Retrieved 24 May 2020.
55. ^ Leong Koon Chan. "Envisioning Chinese Identity and Multiracialism in Singapore". Retrieved 14 February 2011.
56. ^ Lee Kuan Yew, "From Third Earth to First: The Singapore Story: 1965–2000", HarperCollins, 2000 (ISBN 0-06-019776-5)
57. ^ Wurm, Mühlhäusler & Tryon 2011, p. 698. sfn error: no target: CITEREFWurmMühlhäuslerTryon2011 (help)
58. ^ Wang 2012, p. eighty. sfn error: no target: CITEREFWang2012 (aid)
59. ^ Aung Thein Kha; Gerin, Roseanne (17 September 2019). "In Myanmar's Remote Mongla Region, Mandarin Supplants The Burmese Language". Radio Free Asia . Retrieved 31 May 2020.
60. ^ Wurm et al. (1987), Map A2.
61. ^ Kurpaska (2010), pp. 36–41.
62. ^ Kurpaska (2010), pp. 41–42.
63. ^ Kurpaska (2010), p. 49.
64. ^ Kurpaska (2010), pp. 53–54.
65. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 181, 191.
66. ^ Yan (2006), p. 61.
67. ^ Ting (1991), p. 190.
68. ^ Kurpaska (2010), pp. 55–56, 74–75.
69. ^ Norman (1988), p. 190.
70. ^ Kurpaska (2010), pp. 41–46.
71. ^ Kurpaska (2010), p. 55.
72. ^ Kurpaska (2010), pp. 75–76.
73. ^ Yan (2006), pp. 222–223.
74. ^ Kurpaska (2010), p. 75.
75. ^ Wurm et al. (1987), Map B1.
76. ^ Wurm et al. (1987), Maps B2, B5.
77. ^ 张世方 (2010). 北京官话语音研究. 北京语言大学出版社. p. 45. ISBN9787561927755.
78. ^ Wurm et al. (1987), Map B2.
79. ^ Wurm et al. (1987), Maps B1, B3.
80. ^ Wurm et al. (1987), Maps B3, B4, B5.
81. ^ Rimsky-Korsakoff Dyer (1977–78), p. 351.
82. ^ Wurm et al. (1987), Maps B4, B5.
83. ^ Wurm et al. (1987), Map B3.
84. ^ Wurm et al. (1987), Maps B4, B6.
85. ^ Kurpaska (2010), pp. 67–68.
86. ^ Mair (1990), pp. 5–vi.
87. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 138–139.
88. ^ Ramsey (1987), p. 41.
89. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 139–141, 192–193.
90. ^ ^{a b c d e f g h} Norman (1988), p. 193.
91. ^ ^{a b} Norman (1988), p. 192.
92. ^ ^{a b} Norman (1988), p. 194.
93. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 194–196.
94. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 194–195.
95. ^ ^{a b c} Norman (1988), p. 195.
96. ^ Li Rong's 1985 article on Mandarin classification, quoted in Yan (2006), p. 61 and Kurpaska (2010), p. 89.
97. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 195–196.
98. ^ Norman (1988), pp. 182, 195–196.
99. ^ Ramsey (1987), pp. 36–38.
100. ^ Norman, Jerry; Mei, Tsu-lin (1976). "The Austroasiatics in ancient South Prc: some lexical prove". Monumenta Serica. 32: 274–301. doi:10.1080/02549948.1976.11731121.
101. ^ Norman (1988), p. 10.
102. ^ Norman (1988), p. 162.
103. ^ Yue (2003), pp. 105–106.
104. ^ Yue (2003), pp. 90–93.
105. ^ Norman (1988), p. 196.
106. ^ Yue (2003), pp. 113–115.

Sources [edit]

Works cited

• Blum, Susan Debra (2001), Portraits of "primitives": Ordering human being kinds in the Chinese nation , Rowman & Littlefield, ISBN978-0-7425-0092-ane.
• Chen, Ping (1999), Modern Chinese: History and sociolinguistics , New York: Cambridge University Press, ISBN978-0-521-64572-0.
• Coblin, W. Due south (2000), "A brief history of Mandarin", Journal of the American Oriental Society, 120 (iv): 537–552, doi:10.2307/606615, JSTOR 606615.
• ——— (2003), "Robert Morrison and the Phonology of Mid-Qīng Mandarin", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Not bad United kingdom & Ireland, thirteen (three): 339–355, doi:10.1017/S1356186303003134, S2CID 162258379.
• Escure, Geneviève (1997), Creole and dialect continua: standard conquering processes in Belize and Mainland china (PRC), John Benjamins, ISBN978-ninety-272-5240-1.
• Kaske, Elisabeth (2008), The politics of language in Chinese education, 1895–1919, BRILL, ISBN978-90-04-16367-6.
• Kurpaska, Maria (2010), Chinese Language(s): A Look Through the Prism of "The Bang-up Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects", Walter de Gruyter, ISBN978-three-eleven-021914-2.
• Mair, Victor H. (1990), "Who were the Gyámi?" (PDF), Sino-Platonic Papers, xviii (b): 1–8.
• ——— (1991), "What Is a Chinese "Dialect/Topolect"? Reflections on Some Key Sino-English Linguistic terms" (PDF), Sino-Platonic Papers, 29: 1–31, archived from the original (PDF) on 2018-05-10, retrieved 2013-xi-16 .
• Norman, Jerry (1988), Chinese, Cambridge University Printing, ISBN978-0-521-29653-3.
• Ramsey, S. Robert (1987), The Languages of China, Princeton University Press, ISBN978-0-691-01468-5.
• Razfar, Aria; Rumenapp, Joseph C. (2013), Applying Linguistics in the Classroom: A Sociocultural Arroyo, Routledge, ISBN978-1-136-21205-five.
• Richards, John F. (2003), The unending borderland: an environmental history of the early modern earth, University of California Press, ISBN978-0-520-23075-0.
• Rimsky-Korsakoff Dyer, Svetlana (1977–78), "Soviet Dungan nationalism: a few comments on their origin and language", Monumenta Serica, 33: 349–362, doi:10.1080/02549948.1977.11745054, JSTOR 40726247.
• Szeto, Pui Yiu; Ansaldo, Umberto; Matthews, Stephen (2018), "Typological variation beyond Standard mandarin dialects: An areal perspective with a quantitative approach", Linguistic Typology, 22 (2): 233–275, doi:ten.1515/lingty-2018-0009, S2CID 126344099.
• Ting, Pang-Hsin (1991), "Some theoretical issues in the report of Mandarin dialects", in Wang, William S-Y. (ed.), Language and Dialects of China, Journal of Chinese Linguistics Monograph Serial, vol. 3, Chinese University Press, Project on Linguistic Assay, pp. 185–234, JSTOR 23827039.
• Wurm, Stephen Adolphe; Li, Rong; Baumann, Theo; Lee, Mei Due west. (1987), Linguistic communication Atlas of Red china, Longman, ISBN978-962-359-085-three.
• Yan, Margaret Mian (2006), Introduction to Chinese Dialectology, LINCOM Europa, ISBN978-3-89586-629-6.
• Yue, Anne O. (2003), "Chinese dialects: grammar", in Thurgood, Graham; LaPolla, Randy J. (eds.), The Sino-Tibetan languages, Routledge, pp. 84–125, ISBN978-0-7007-1129-ane.
• Zhang, Bennan; Yang, Robin R. (2004), "Putonghua educational activity and language policy in postcolonial Hong Kong", in Zhou, Minglang (ed.), Language policy in the People'south Republic of China: theory and practice since 1949, Kluwer Academic Publishers, pp. 143–161, ISBN978-one-4020-8038-8.

Further reading [edit]

• Baxter, William H. (2006), "Mandarin dialect phylogeny", Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale, 35 (1): 71–114, doi:10.3406/clao.2006.1748.
• Dwyer, Arienne M. (1995), "From the Northwest China Sprachbund: Xúnhuà Chinese dialect information", Yuen Ren Club Treasury of Chinese Dialect Information, ane: 143–182, hdl:1808/7090.
• Novotná, Zdenka (1967), "Contributions to the Study of Loan-Words and Hybrid Words in Modernistic Chinese", Archiv Orientální, 35: 613–649.
• Shen Zhongwei ( 沈钟伟 ) (2011), "The origin of Mandarin", Periodical of Chinese Linguistics, 39 (2): 1–31, JSTOR 23754434.
• Chen Zhangtai ( 陈章太 ); Li Xingjian ( 李行健 ) (1996). 普通话基础方言基本词汇集 [Standard mandarin bones dialects bones words collection] (in Simplified Chinese). 语文出版社 [Languages Printing]. pp. one–five.

Historical Western language texts [edit]

• Balfour, Frederic Henry (1883), Idiomatic Dialogues in the Peking Colloquial for the Use of Pupil, Shanghai: Offices of the Due north-China Herald.
• Grainger, Adam (1900), Western Mandarin: or the spoken linguistic communication of western China, with syllabic and English indexes, Shanghai: American Presbyterian Mission Press.
• MacGillivray, Donald (1905), A Mandarin-Romanized dictionary of Chinese, Shanghai: Presbyterian Mission Press.
• Mateer, Calvin Wilson (1906), A course of Standard mandarin lessons, based on idiom (revised 2nd ed.), Shanghai: American Presbyterian Mission Press.
• Meigs, F.E. (1904), The Standard Organization of Mandarin Romanization: Introduction, Audio Tabular array an Syllabary, Shanghai: Educational Clan of Prc.
• Meigs, F.E. (1905), The Standard System of Mandarin Romanization: Radical Index, Shanghai: Educational Association of China.
• Stent, George Carter; Hemeling, Karl (1905), A Lexicon from English to Colloquial Mandarin Chinese, Shanghai: Statistical Department of the Inspectorate General of Customs.
• Whymant, A. Neville J. (1922), Colloquial Chinese (northern) (2nd ed.), London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Company.

External links [edit]

• Tones in Mandarin Dialects : Comprehensive tone comparing charts for 523 Mandarin dialects. (Compiled by James Campbell) – Internet Annal mirror

peasedeme1969.blogspot.com

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mandarin_Chinese

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